top of page

Feel-good Solutions

Anti-terrorism officials ask how safe is too safe

Illinois Issues

May 2006

The folly of U.S. terrorism countermeasures—and their peculiar bias against foreign instigators, even though domestic terrorism looms larger by far—makes a mockery of our national anthem. “Land of the free and home of the brave” indeed.


The threat of terrorism forces us to make a choice,” explain the helpful folks at the U.S. Department of Homeland Security on their Web site. “We can be afraid, or we can be ready.” Get used to being afraid, then, because ready—four and a half years after 9/11—is something the United States is not.

Illinois’ Democratic U.S. senators, Richard Durbin and Barack Obama, have of late questioned the sorry state of terror­ism preparedness at the nation’s ports and nuclear power plants—complaints that might be dismissed as partisan rants were it not for the fact that Republican editors and military experts and academics have been saying the same things for years. When it comes to the protection of rail yards, chemical plants, airports—each crucial in Illinois—there is no plan, and not nearly enough money. Osama bin Laden is still at large and the anthrax attack is still unsolved. And the government’s response to Hurricane Katrina proved that U.S. citizens have as much to fear from their own incompetent or indifferent officials as from terrorists.

Most of the criticism about terrorism preparedness is rightly aimed at the White House, but Congress is as much at fault, not only for failing to hold George W Bush’s administration to a higher standard of performance, but for making the problem worse. Resorting to the frank speech that only a retired politician dare use, former Illinois Gov. James R. Thompson joined other members of the national 9/11 Commission in damning Congress for allocating billions in domestic security money on the basis of politics rather than risk. “Why aren’t our tax dollars being spent to protect our lives?” asked Thompson. “What’s the rationale? What’s the excuse? There is no excuse.”

What is the prudent citizen to do who has concluded that the only thing we have to fear is government itself’? According to the democratic gospel, the only protection against that threat is alert citizenship. Bruce Schneier, in his widely praised 2003 book, Beyond Fear, urges ordinary citizens to do what citizens of all democracies are supposed to do: educate themselves about complex public issues, demand sensible and informed decisions about the allocation of resources from elected leaders and government bureaucrats, and hold accountable those who fail to make good on their promises. As Thompson said upon release of the 9/11 Commission report, “The American people ought to demand answers.”

Alas, fulfilling their responsibilities as citizens is another thing the American people seem not quite ready to do. The manifold failures of preparedness by the feds were well known by 2004. Yet anti-terrorism as a program—as opposed to anti-terrorism as a political pose—hardly figured in the election of that year. (The conduct of a war was important in that presidential race--the war in question was Vietnam.) Bush was re-elected with a respectable majority of the popular vote, and the dithering of congressional incumbents did not prevent most from being sent back to Washington.

The sour stew of terrorism politics has lots of ingredients, including our national habit of forgetfulness, our capacity for distraction and our plain ignorance about complicated public issues. Some people won’t think about it and some don’t want to think about it, but it’s probably fair to say that most just don’t know how to think about it. The failure of Bush and his minions is not that they spend too little on what matters and too much on what doesn’t—this criticism can be made about most government programs —but that they are failing in a larger responsibility to teach the public what it’s facing, what the real options are, and how much they might cost in dollars, convenience, and, yes, freedom.

Of course, it may be that a lot of people are getting the kind of anti-terrorism preparedness they want. “If you went to the doctor because you had a badly damaged leg, she wouldn’t pretend that she could return your leg to its undamaged state if she couldn’t,” writes Schneier. “Ignoring reality is not an effective way to get healthier, or smarter, or safer, even though it might temporarily make you feel better.”

Ah, but temporarily feeling better is about all most Americans demand from their lawmakers and public employees. They are no more willing to face the reality of terrorism than they are to face a shortfall in the Social Security fund or the national dependence on oil or the poor quality of the schools. Such voters want solutions that are easy and cheap, or at least appear to be easy and cheap, and usually punish at the polls any politician who refuses to pretend. As a result, priorities are set not according to rational assessments of relative risks but by the often evanescent priorities of an inattentive and uninformed public that overstates the exotic and the unseen. The result is overspending on the danger dujour, while threats that affect more people are all but ignored.

A lot of people who might have had things to say about the war against terror did not say them out of a belief that questioning the conduct of a war is impolitic if not unpatriotic. That notion is one of the more dubious legacies of our Mr. Lincoln. His leadership as commander in chief certainly was an issue, indeed the issue in the election of 1864, and it was during that campaign that Lincoln famously warned voters of the dangers of switching horses midstream. But switching horses is just what voters should do if the horse is drowning.

Then, too, it may be that recent elections failed as referendums on preparedness not because people thought terrorism preparedness was too important for candidates to talk about, but because they thought it was not nearly important enough. Illinois may be at war, but almost no one acts like it. Most Illinoisans are sensible enough to know that the maniac they need to worry about is not the gent with a beard who’s mumbling in a strange accent in the next airplane seat but the driver of the SUV in the next lane. Anti-terrorism may be one of the most important of the national government’s responsibilities, in other words, but not many seem to think it is the most urgent.

Members of the Bush Administration may be lousy anti-terrorism planners, but they are accomplished pols whose instincts for partisan advantage are keen. The only reason they would dare to make preparedness a low priority was if preparedness is a low priority for a substantial chunk of the voting public they cater to. There are people, and sizable numbers, who will not rest easy until there is a sky marshal aboard every plane. (A policy that would take more marshals than the FBI has agents.) But such worriers are the lunatic fringe of homeland security politics. The sensible middle, which is where most Illinoisans are most comfortable, expects less.

This sounds like dereliction, or denial, on the part of the public. But might there be wisdom in the people’s indifference? Back in 2002, journalist David Carr was one of those who challenged not only the feasibility of making “the homeland” terrorism-proof but also the wisdom of it.

As Carr noted in The Atlantic Monthly, making the ports or the power plants or the subway stations absolutely impervious to attack would not prevent attacks, merely force a shift to more vulnerable targets. It is true, as one Downstate sheriff told Illinois Issues in 2002, terrorists could strike anywhere. Yes, they could—but they are highly unlikely to. A grain elevator is not exactly a Twin Towers in symbolic value, and anyone wishing to inflict maximum civilian casualties will not head for a town whose mass transit system consists of school buses. “Doing nothing to deter such events would be foolish,” insisted Carr “but doing everything possible would be more foolish still.”

That doesn’t mean it doesn’t matter whether public money is spent on preparedness, or how much. In fact, it matters more. The less that is spent, the more important it becomes that what is spent is spent sensibly to achieve maximum protections against the most likely threats to targets of greatest potential importance. The real indictment of the federal effort to date is not that it hasn’t protected every place against every threat—that would be impossible even if it were affordable—but that so much of what has been done has been done incompetently or cynically.

People who think about such things (which does not include presidential speech writers) have argued from the start that fighting terrorism is not like a war—a real war anyway. Al Qaeda resembles even an unconventional military force less than it resembles a criminal gang like the Mafia. An even better comparison may be narco-terrorists, an enemy much like Al Qaeda in organization and methods, and one that to date has done much more damage to the nation, if less telegenically. The United States declared war on the drug gangs in the 1 970s, with now-familiar over-reliance on military means and similarly simplistic assump­tions about the nature of the problem and the enemy. It has had results that may prove to be sadly similar too, since after three decades and billions spent to eradicate them, there are more drugs of higher potency on the nation’s streets than ever.

The analogy with criminal gangs holds in another way. Ultimately, the effort against terrorism promises to be no more—and no less—costly and intrusive than the steps our society has learned to take against ordinary crime. Everyone has melded everyday precautions into their daily routines, into judgments about where and how to move around in the world, about where to live. We have learned to accept the spending of billions on cops and alarms and insurance and jails and locks. Much of that spending is unwise, but it has purchased a tolerable status quo. Even better, crime has taught everyone the lesson that we have yet to learn about terrorism, which is that it will happen, that some losses are inevitable—and that a society that was free of risks also would be a society most of us would not want to live in. ●




John Hallwas

Essential for anyone interested in Illinois history and literature. Hallwas deservedly won the 2018 Lifetime Achievement Award from the Illinois State Historical Society.

Lee Sandlin Author

One of Illinois’s best, and least-known, writers of his generation. Take note in particular of The Distancers and Road to Nowhere.

Chicago Architecture Center

See Home Page/Learn/

Resources for a marvelous building database, architecture dictionary, even a city planning graphic novel. Handsome, useful—every Illinois culture website should be so good.

The Encyclopedia of Chicago


The online version of The Encyclopedia of Chicago. Crammed with thousands of topic entries, biographical sketches, maps and images, it is a reference work unmatched in Illinois.

Illinois Great Places

The Illinois chapter of the American Institute of Architects in 2018 selected 200 Great Places in Illinois that illustrate our  shared architectural culture across the entire period of human settlement in Illinois.

McLean County Museum

of History

A nationally accredited, award-winning project of the McLean County Historical Society whose holdings include more than 20,000 objects, more than 15,000 books on local history and genealogy, and boxes and boxes of historical papers and images.

Mr. Lincoln, Route 66, and Other Highlights of Lincoln, Illinois


Every Illinois town ought to have a chronicler like D. Leigh Henson, Ph.D. Not only Lincoln and the Mother road—the author’s curiosity ranges from cattle baron John Dean Gillett to novelist William Maxwell. An Illinois State Historical Society "Best Web Site of the Year."

Illinois Digital Archives


Created in 2000, the IDA is a repository for the digital collections of the Illinois State Library and other Illinois libraries and cultural institutions. The holdings include photographs, slides, and glass negatives, oral histories, newspapers, maps, and documents from manuscripts and letters to postcards,  posters, and videos.

The Illinois State Museum


The people's museum is a treasure house of science and the arts. A research institution of national reputation, the museum maintains four facilities across the state. Their collections in anthropology, fine and decorative arts, botany, zoology, geology, and  history are described here. A few museum publications can be obtained here.

Chronicling Illinois

“Chronicling Illinois” showcases some of the collections—mostly some 6,000 photographs—from the Illinois history holdings of the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library.


I will leave it to the authors of this interesting site to describe it. "Chicagology is a study of Chicago history with a focus on the period prior to the Second World War. The purpose of the site is to document common and not so common stories about the City of Chicago as they are discovered." 

Illinois Labor History Society

The Illinois Labor History Society seeks to encourage the preservation and study of labor history materials of the Illinois region, and to arouse public interest in the profound significance of the past to the present. Offers books reviews, podcasts, research guides, and the like. 

Illinois Migration History 1850-2017

The University of Washington’s America’s Great Migrations Project has compiled migration histories  (mostly from the published and unpublished work by UW Professor of History James Gregory) for several states, including Illinois. The site also includes maps and charts and essays about the Great Migration of African Americans to the north, in which Illinois figured importantly. 

History on the Fox

An interesting resource about the history of one of Illinois’s more interesting places, the Fox Valley of Kendall County. History on the Fox is the work of Roger Matile, an amateur historian of the best sort. Matile’s site is a couple of cuts above the typical buff’s blog. (An entry on the French attempt to cash in on the trade in bison pelts runs more than

2,000 words.)




Southern Illinois University Press 2017

A work of solid history, entertainingly told.

Michael Burlingame,

author of Abraham 

Lincoln: A Life 

One of the ten best books on Illinois history I have read in a decade.

Superior Achievement Award citation, ISHS Awards, 2018

A lively and engaging study . . .  an enthralling narrative.

James Edstrom

The Annals of Iowa

A book that merits the attention of all Illinois historians

as well as local historians generally.

John Hoffman

Journal of Illinois HIstory

A model for the kind of detailed and honest history other states and regions could use.

Harold Henderson 

Midwestern Microhistory

A fine example of a resurgence of Midwest historical scholarship.

Greg Hall

Journal of the Illinois

State Historical Society

Click  here 

to read about

the book 

Click  here 

to buy the book 


Southern Illinois University Press

SIU Press is one of the four major university publishing houses in Illinois. Its catalog offers much of local interest, including biographies of Illinois political figures, the history (human and natural) and folklore of southern Illinois, the Civil War and Lincoln, and quality reprints in the Shawnee Classics series.

University of

Illinois Press

The U of I Press was founded in 1918. A search of the online catalog  (Books/Browse by subject/Illinois) will reveal more than 150 Illinois titles, books on history mostly but also butteflies, nature , painting, poetry and fiction, and more.  Of particular note are its Prairie State Books,  quality new paperback editions of worthy titles about all parts of Illinois, augmented with scholarly introductions.

University of

Chicago Press

The U of C publishing operation is the oldest (1891) and largest university press in Illinois. Its reach is international, but it has not neglected its own neighborhood. Any good Illinois library will include dozens of titles about Chicago and Illinois from Fort Dearborn to

Vivian Maier.

Northern Illinois University Press

The newest (1965) and the smallest of the university presses with an interest in Illinois, Northern Illinois University Press gave us important titles such as the standard one-volume history of the state (Biles' Illinois:
A History of the Land and Its People) and contributions to the history of Chicago, Illinois transportation, and the Civil War. Now an imprint of Cornell University Press.


Reviews and significant mentions by James Krohe Jr. of more than 50 Illinois books, arranged in alphabetical order

by book title. 


Illinois Center for the Book

Run by the Illinois State Library, The Center promotes reading, writing and author programs meant to honor the state's rich literary heritage. An affiliate of the Library of Congress’s Center for the Book, the site offers award competitions, a directory of Illinois authors, literary landmarks, and reading programs.

bottom of page